Yet, even for those with critical insights into development, management is understood as being something quite apart.
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Rather than integrate a critical analysis of managerialism, development studies teaching largely sees management as about technique, about how to "manage better" development projects, or identify "best practice" for existing and incoming practitioners. In business schools, on the other hand, engagements with development have hitherto been marginal, not withstanding the apparent concern for internationalizing management.
This book attempts to bridge the current division between development and management studies by constructing a critique of 'development management' - an approach to development that blends seemingly objective and neutral claims of managerialism with notions of modernity and other connected utopian ideas of 'Third World' progress.
Some of these approaches are affiliated with the growing field of critical management studies; others are from the development world, turning their critical frames of reference to address increasingly managerialized development processes and practices. The contributors all come from social scientific and critical backgrounds.
It is often managerialist ideas and practices that thread these ideas together, yet often they remain buried in development studies' disengagement from the mundane: for instance the languages and artefacts of managerial and organizational life, the report, the logframe, and the encounters with the boss. What these contributors have in common, tacitly or explicitly, is an understanding of both development and managerialism as problematic, modernizing, interventions. This is a fresh and provocative critique of the very practices in development that we take for granted and will breath new life in perennial post-development debates about the status of international development, NGOs, and development studies.
Bibliographic information. Publication date ISBN hbk. Browse related items Start at call number: HD N49 Various documents revealed that the privatization of the landholding structure occupied a central place in the strategy employed by the WB in those countries during the s, including appearing as a condition for adjustment loans jointly conceded by the IMF, in particular in Russia.
To legitimate MALR, the WB carried out a dual operation: on the one hand it criticized what its own economists called state-led land reform; on the other it tried to get MALR accepted as a new modality of agrarian reform, stripped of all the supposed 'defects' of past experiences and coherent with the imperatives of liberalization.
THE NEW DEVELOPMENT MANAGEMENT: CRITIQUING THE DUAL MODERNIZATION ‐ by Sadhvi Dar and Bill Cooke
While the former model of landholding actions was seen as 'coercive' and 'confiscatory,' since they were based on disappropriation, MALR was praised as 'voluntary' and 'negotiated' Burki; Perry, , p. With this dual movement, the WB at the same time continued to recognize the need for agrarian reforms to lessen the concentration of land ownership in highly unequal societies, but also negated any validity for a role of the state in terms of disappropriation and redistribution role of the state. In this way, MALR was enthroned as the most suitable model of land reform for global south countries marked by high levels of concentration of landownership, rural poverty, and social tensions in the countryside, in part worsened by neoliberal policies sponsored by the WB itself.
In other words, MALR consisted of a land buyer-seller relationship between private agents funded by the state, responsible for providing a varied subsidy in socio-productive infrastructure and the hiring of private technical assistance services. The lower the price paid for the land loan , the greater the subsidy available for investment, and vice-versa.
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Sellers were paid in advance in money at market prices, while purchasers assumed the full price or most of it of the land acquisition costs. Historically, redistributive agrarian reforms had the aim of redistributing land, guaranteeing the social reproduction conditions of settled families and promoting the political protagonism of rural workers, confronting large landholders' control over production and commercialization. For all of the above reasons, its feasibility depended on the expropriation power of the state in relation to the private monopoly of land. As a national development policy, it implied the strengthening of the role of the state in the provision of credit, goods, and public services necessary for the living conditions of settled families and the increase in the productivity of settled farmers.
MALR's assumptions were completely distinct from those of redistributive agrarian reform El-Ghonemy, ; Borras, In the former, land was seen as a mere production factor, a commodity , a merchandise like any other. On the other hand, in the latter, land was seen in terms of its political, economic, and cultural weight, for which reason property rights more than anything else marked relations of power between classes and social groups.
What WB economists called 'state led land reform' lacked a theoretical and empirical consistency.
The New Development Management: Critiquing the Dual Modernization
Actually the object they criticized never existed, since it consisted of a caricature in which was concentrated all the supposedly negative characteristics of agrarian reforms carried out during the 20 th century in very distinct societies. The WB's discourse was not grounded on any analyses of social processes , determined by specific political and economic conditions, with forces of advance and retreat, but rather the mounting of a 'model' to which was attributed the responsibility for the supposed failure of the immense majority of agrarian reforms carried out around the world, which was anchored on the state, and not the market.
In other words, criticism of the 'disappropriation model' was made in an abstract and homogenized manner, dislocated from the empirical analysis of social conflicts and the economic and political frameworks which defined the nature, degree, extent, rhythm, direction, and even the flow of agrarian reforms, always very heterogeneous among themselves Fox, ; Putzel, ; Sobhan, ; Thiesenhusen, ; Borras, Moreover, they were unable to minimally meet the existing 'demand' for land, since they were stripped of the capacity to gain social scale due to prior payment in money at market prices.
Implementation had the central objective of offering a politically conservative form of access to land due to the increase of social struggles in the countryside, maintaining intact the property structure in highly unequal societies. From a slow and modest beginning, the institution became the international champion in this question in the s, converting itself into a force for the induction and catalyzation of initiatives aimed at the modernization of the technical foundations of agriculture and the growing Americanization of national agro-food systems.
This process had economic roots, but also political ones, due to the concern with peasant activism in the Third World. For this reason, RD projects followed the imperative of development as security. From the beginning of the s until the middle of the s, the WB concentrated on the economic liberalization impulse, through loans for structural and sectorial adjustments.
The ARD agenda was restricted to commercial liberalization and the dismantling of the institutionality created during the developmentalist era. Between and , the promotion of this agenda occurred with a renewed belief in the virtues of economic growth and the trickle-down effect, without paying any attention to the social costs of the adjustment. Afterwards, the institution gradually turned towards the political sustainability of the adjustment, starting 'anti-poverty' projects in the countryside based on the principle of focalization and the provision of social minimums.
From until , the WB returned to ARD, based on a productivist vision centered on the technical foundation of agriculture. The principal obstacle to this process was, according to the WB, the persistence of institutional structures that were not suited to the free market of credit, land, goods, and rural services.
The redefinition of the role of the state in relation to the market set the tone to the WB's conditions, adding to the macroeconomic adjustment predominant between a set of institutional type reforms. At the same time, according to neoliberal metapolitics - according to which privatizing and deregulating had a universal validity -, the WB placed on the RD agenda the land problem, preparing a new generation of agrarian policies coherent with the imperative of the liberalization of land markets.
The return of the theme of agrarian reform was linked to this imperative and sought to offer some client states a solution for the social and political tensions in the countryside, resulting in the MALR proposal. Once again, political concerns with the prevention or deactivation of the social activism of landless peasants came to preside WB initiatives. In general, it can be concluded that from the s onwards, in different forms and with distinct levels of incidence, the WB fulfilled a relevant role in terms of formulation, connections, induction, and the catalyzing of transnational and national ARD policies.
Its initiatives contributed to widening the social space for the valorization of capital in agriculture and accelerate the mercantilization of rural lands. This was always the principal aim of the WB and it was successful in this. On the other hand, the rural poverty reduction target, present in the trajectory of the institution with ups and downs since , is difficult to measure and assess, even because RD projects have sought to preserve, instead of fight it, the concentration of land ownership - a determinant factor in rural poverty and inequality.
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